국어 종결어미의 상보적 분포 특징

A Study on The Complementary Distribution of Korean Final-ending

The primary purpose of this paper is to describe the character on the complementary distribution of final-endings in a Gyeongbuk regional dialect, the environment condition on complementary distribution of final-ending in this regional dialect and the differences between of old age's dialect and young people's dialect in Gyeongbuk. The declarative final-engs that have the character of complementary distribution are ‘-nide', ‘-iide', ‘-side' in this dialect. And the ‘-de' that can be reanalyze from forms of these declarative final-endings distribute complementarily with the declarative final-ending ‘-da'. These declarative final-endings is widely used by old age distribute complementarily in environment condition that combine just at the back of the stem of predicate. The declarative final-ending '-nide' is combined just at the back of the stem of verb, the declarative final-ending ‘-iide' is combined at the back of the stem of adjective and the declarative final-ending ‘-side' is combined at the back of the stem of noun. Therefore these declarative final-endings distribute complementarily just at the back of the stem of predicate in a sentence. But these declarative final-endings do not distribute complementarily at the back of prefinal ending of predicate in a sentence. These phenomena like the preceding in young people's dialect. How the complementary distribution of these declarative final-endings may turn out is anybody's guess. The grammatical element ‘-da' that can be analyzed from the forms of the declarative final-ending ‘-nide', ‘--iide', ‘-side' distribute complementarily with the declarative final-ending ‘-da’. The former ‘-de' is combined always just at the back of an honorific expression ‘-i-' and latter ‘-da' distributes without an honorific expression ‘-i-'. For that reason the declarative final-ending ‘-nide', ‘-iide', ‘'-side' are selected at the condition to respect hearer and the declarative final-ending ‘-da' is selected at the not so condition in a sentence. We can not find out the complementary distribution character of declarative final-endings of Gyeongbuk regional dialct in other regional dialct. These character of Gyeongbuk regional dialect did not account for by others until now. The interrogative final-endings that have the character of complementary distribution are ‘-g’a/g‘o', ‘-na/no', ‘-da/do', ‘-ra/ro', ‘-g'a/g‘o', ‘-nga/go', ‘-ngang/gong', ‘-ngayo/goyo', ‘-ngangyo/gongyo' in this dialect. These phenomena come into view common all in old age in this dialect. but the ‘-ra/ro', ‘-nga/go' do not come into view in young people's dialect. The interrogative final-ending ‘-ra/ro' and ‘-nga.go' are used only old age's dialect. The interrogative fina-endings ‘-go', ‘-no', ‘-do', ‘-ro', ‘-g'o', ‘-ngo', ‘-ngong', ‘-ngoyo', '-ngongyo' are co-occurred with interrogative pronoun. But the interrogative final-endings ‘-ga', ‘-na', ‘-da', ‘-ra', ‘-ga', ‘-nga', ‘-ngang', ‘-ngayo', ‘-ngangyo’ are not co-occurred with interrogative pronoun in this dialect. However the interrogative final-endings of latter are co-occurred with the interrogative adverb in a sentence of this dialect. The sentence that the interrogative ‘-na', ‘-da', ‘-g’a', ‘-nga', ‘-ngang', ‘-ngayo', ‘-ngangyo' are co-occurred with the interrogative adverb are wh-question. But the sentence that the interrogative final-ending ‘-no', ‘-do', ‘-g’o', '-ngo', ‘-ngong', ‘-ngoyo', ‘-ngongyo' are co-occurred with the interrogative pronoun are yes/no-question. The focus of speaker leaves the interrogative pronoun in a wh-question. But the focus of speaker leaves the interrogative final-ending in a yes/no-question. The interrogative final-endings ‘-g’a/g‘o' are combined just at the back of noun predicates and the ‘-na/no' are combined just at the back of verb predicates. Therefore the interrogative final-endings ‘-ga', ‘-go', ‘-na', ‘-no' distribute complementarily in th