Negative polarity triggered by an inherently negative predicate (INP) apparently displays anti-locality: Negative polarity items (NPIs) should be embedded under the complement clause. A negative operator is often assumed at CP-SPEC to account for the anti-locality. This paper observes, however, that NPIs in the Korean INP context are licensed in the subject position as well. To accommodate this puzzle, a predicate type approach is proposed: An INP is strong enough to license NPIs only when it merges with the embedded predicate, forming a complex predicate. Given the predicate merge, the polarity licensing in the Korean INP context turns out to be not different from the case where overt negation is involved in the sense that NPIs are locally licensed, say at the SPEC of NegP. Scope facts and the one-notch loosened clause mate restriction lend support to the proposed analysis.
Abstract<BR>1. Introduction<BR>2. A Puzzling Case in Korean<BR>3. Approach Ⅰ: Generate NPIs in the Embedded Clause<BR>4. Approach Ⅱ: Two Types of INPs<BR>5. V-ki-INP Reanalysis<BR>6. A Unified NPI Licensing Mechanism<BR>7. Some Speculations on the Complex Predicate Formation and on the Speaker"s Variation<BR>8. Summary<BR>References<BR>저자소개<BR>