This paper deals with the relationship between licensing deletion and stress in English VP-Ellipsis construction. In English, auxiliaries in auxiliary reduction, to in to-contraction and not in negative contraction are all function words subject to cliticization. However, in a VP-Ellipsis construction, these function words act more like hosts as licensing heads, rather than clitics. It is not a coincidence that these function words license the ellipsis of their complements. I suggest that stress makes these two behave in a different way. Once a function word gets stressed, it does not undergo cliticization. In a VP-Ellipsis construction, the auxiliaries, the infinitival to and the negator not carry stress with the deletion of its complement, serving as licensing heads. I will argue that the deleted VP is some kind of clitic and the auxiliary verbs, to and not that get stressed with the deletion of their complements can be hosts to the deleted VP. The restriction on auxiliary reduction (contraction) and on auxiliary shift in a VP-Ellipsis construction shows that the auxiliary serves as a host and its deleted complement is a kind of clitic.
영어 초록<BR>1. Introduction<BR>2. Host and Clitic in a VP-Ellipsis Construction<BR>3. Deletion as Cliticization and Stress<BR>4. Conclusion<BR>References<BR>저자소개<BR>
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