Sub-denotationality as a Way of Accounting for English Wh-dependency

Sub-denotationality as a Way of Accounting for English Wh-dependency

  The purpose of this paper was to theoretically derive the precise conditions for long vs. local wh-dependencies in A-bar movements out of both wh- and strong islands. To accomplish this, two correlations were established among the novel notion of sub-denotationality, varying degrees of strength in non-local A-bar dependency, and barrier defiability: 1. Between two non-adjunct-marked wh-phrases A and B, A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the set from which the denotation of A comes is a subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the longer & stronger the A-bar dependency. 2. Barrier Defiability: The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the stronger the barrier defiability. It was also shown how the theory proposed in relation to the multi-way argument-adjunct contrasts can be extended to another local wh-dependency, namely, wco phenomena. The three-way contrasts of weak, weaker, and weakest effects were derived using the same notion of sub-denotationality: Between a wh-phrase (A) and an overt pronoun (B), if A locally binds B, B cannot be more narrowly sub-denotational than A. A locally binds B if and only if A is coindexed with and c-commands B, and there is no such C that does not bind A but binds B. A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the non-singleton set from which the denotation of A comes is a proper subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The wider the sub-denotationality gap between binder and bindee, the more optimal the local binding relation is.