This article investigates a QR-based account of inverse scope interpretation, focusing on scrambling constructions. Departing from previous analyses, I claim that inverse scope interpretation results from reconstruction of a displaced QP, due to nonlocal QR of a lower QP. With a licit operator-variable chain as a means to check off a quantificational feature of a QP, it is shown that the given approach can deal with the wider empirical coverage, without resorting to dubious or complicated theoretical constructs. I also contend that ISI should be, in principle, available with a canonical sentence with more than one QP in Korean, attributing its marginality to a parsing strategy that assigns a sentence information structure of least complexity.
(0)
(0)