‘-이’와 ‘Be’의 접사적 분석

Affixal Analysis on Korean ‘-i’ and ‘Be’.

There have been several kinds of proposals into which syntactic category Korean ‘-ida’ should be classified: word-level categories (verb, particle or copula) or an affix. This article adopts the assumption that Korean ‘-ida’ is either a syntactic derivational affix or a lexical derivational affix. The syntactic derivational affix ‘-ida’ selects a small clause as its complement. The small clause is composed of subject NP1 and predicate NP2, and NP2 assigns a theta role to NP1. NP2 may be either referential or non-referential. In ‘-ida’ constructions, the subject NP1 is predicated of the referential NP2, differently from what we expect. The NP2 is exempted from the binding principles and located in the incomplete argumental position in which it is neither Case-marked nor theta-marked, and exempted from the binding principles. We claim that this is why the syntactic derivational affix ‘-ida’ deprives the referential NP2 of its [+N] feature. After the lexical derivational affix ‘-ida’ is combined with N in the lexicon, the amalgam plays the same role as a predicative adjective. Also, the lexical derivational affix ‘-ida’ combines with NPs with [+state] semantic feature as well as NPs with [-state] semantic feature. The [-state] N plus ‘-ida’ (for example, sanchaek-ida) is a stage-level predicate, since it identifies a temporary property of the individual in question; the [+state] N plus ‘-ida’ (for examle, choyko-ida) is an individual-level predicate, since it identifies permanent and stable properties of an individual.