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학술저널

The Unity of Derived and Non-Derived Instrumental NPs in Russian

러시아어 파생 조격명사와 비파생 조격명사의 단일성

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이 논문은 러시아어 조격명사구를 수동태와 같은 통사작용을 통한 파생 조격명사구와 통사작용과 무관하게 기저기반에서 조격이 할당되는 비파생 조격명사구로 구분하여 살펴보고, 춈스키언 통사이론과 상관문법(relational grammar)이론을 토대로 분석하고자 한다. 비파생 조격명사의 예는 1) ‘순수한(pure)’ 조격명사: On pišet levoj rukoj ‘그는 왼손으로 쓴다. 그는 왼손잡이다,’ 2) 동사구를 수식하는 부사적 명사구: On uexal poezdom ‘그는 기차를 타고 떠났다’; On skakal volkom ‘그는 늑대처럼 뛰었다’ 등이 있고, 파생 조격명사의 예는 1) 수동태 동작의 주체: Eta kniga byla napisana molodym moskovskim pisatelem ‘이 책은 젊은 모스크바 작가가 집필했다,’ 2) 동사파생명사 동작의 주체: uničoženie goroda nemcem ‘독일인들의 도시파괴,’ 3) 제 2술어: On prišel pervym ‘그가 맨 먼저 왔다’ 등이 있다. 이 논문에서는 파생 조격명사와 비파생 조격명사 모두, 표면구조(surface structure)에서 동일한 통사적 형상적 위치(syntactic configurational positions)를 공유한다고 주장하고, 이 조격명사를 통합적으로 기술한다. 또한 본 논문은 Perlmutter (1983)가 제시한 the Relational Grammar notions of Advancement and Ascension에서 더 나아가 PredP를 소개한 Bailyn(2001)의 이론을 조격명사에 적용해 그 해법을 찾아보고자 한다.

This paper examines the range of NPs in Russian which are marked with the Instrumental Case, and classifies them as derived (through syntactic operation such as passivization) or non-derived (assigned Instrumental case in their base-generated location, without any syntactic operation). It combines the framework of standard Chomskyan syntactic theory with insights derived from the theory of Relational Grammar. Chomskyan theory acknowledges the existence of “inherent case” (often referred to as “semantic case”), which can be seen in a variety of adverbial Instrumentals, such as pure instruments (On pišt levoj rukoj ‘He writes with his left hand’) or other adverbial NP modifiers of VP (On uexal poezdom ‘He left by train’; On skakal volkom ‘He leapt like a wolf”). Others have been frequently described in the literature as syntactically derived (passive agents: Eta kniga byla napisana molodym moskovskim pisatelem ‘This book was written by a young Moscow writer’; agents with deverbal nominalizations: uničožnie goroda nemcem ‘the destruction of the city by the Germans’; secondary predicates: On prišel pervym ‘He came first’, etc.). Others lack a clear analytical consensus, such as agent-like NPs (On rabotaet bibliotekarem ‘He works as a librarian’), complements of copular and semi-copular verbs (On stal vračom ‘He became a physician’). The paper proposes a unified description of these and other Instrumental NPs under which both derived and non-derived NPs occupy parallel syntactic configurational positions in surface structure. The analysis extends the Relational Grammar notions of Advancement and Ascension (Perlmutter 1983 et seq.) to co-exist with Bailyn’s (2001) proposal of a PredP headed by a Pred element, often null, which Instrumental case to its complement.

〈Abstract〉

Ⅰ. Introduction

Ⅱ. Relational Grammar and the Russian Instrumental Case

Ⅲ. Conclusion

Reference

〈국문초록〉

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