Phase-based Binding Conditions with special reference to Control and Obviation in Spanish and Korean

On the basis of obviation and control effects in Spanish and Korean finite clauses, I argue in this paper that the pronominal coreference relations are not all accounted for by the Binding Principle B, defined in terms of the relevant local domain D (i.e. TP). To resolve this, I propose a Phase-based Binding Conditions, in which the local domain D is restated in terms of phase domain. It is argued that the volitional subjunctives in the obviation and control structures have defective T, since they are sharply dependent on the matrix T. I assume that the CP with defective T is a weak phase CP, which cannot act as a phase for the binding interpretation. According to the Condition B, the null pronominal pro in obviation structure must be interpreted as disjoint from every c-commanding phrase in its phase, the matrix ʋP. The null anaphoric pro in control structure must be interpreted as coreferential with a c-commanding phrase in its phase, the matrix ʋP, as well, in compliance with the Condition A. In sum, this paper tries to account for the anaphoric property of the controlled pro (or PRO), reducing the distribution of pro (or PRO) to the Condition A by considering them just as a null anaphor.