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Agree and Move

Briefly reviewing Chomsky’s (2000, 2001, 2008) theory of Agree and Move with a special reference to Case checking and successive cyclic movement, I have pointed out some empirical and conceptual problems thereof. And then, reviewing Bošković’s (2007a,b; 2008) and Zeijlstra’s (2008, 2011) alternative proposals, I have argued that the alternatives have merits over the Chomskyan theory in that they do not appeal to activation condition and an ad hoc feature like EPP/EF to motivate Move. On the ground that intermediate steps of successive cyclic movement is not for feature checking but for an element with uninterpretable features to move out of the spell out domain, I have argued that Bošković’s mover-oriented account is better motivated: Movement is triggered to instantiate a proper Agree configuration, that is, a probe with uninterpretable features should c-command a matching goal. Reexamining Bošković’s (2007a,b; 2008) account I have pro- posed plausible solutions for the potential problems. Some language specific properties of WH-movement and multiple nominative constructions, however, are left for detailed discussion with a variety of corpus.