There 구문의 일치

Chomsky(2000, 2001) proposed that the EPP feature requires all Specs of functional heads(C, T, υ) to be filled with person feature. Hence, expletive there is purely merged in Spec-TP to delete EPP feature of T. Expletive there has neither a case nor a complete set of φ-feature except for the uninterpretable person feature. In this paper, we account for the problem of Chomsky's assumption and aim to provide an alternative analysis of expletive there construction under the Strong Minimalist Thesis(SMT). The main claim of this paper is based on the hypothesis that expletive there constructions have commonalities with Icelandic Quirky subject(QS) construction in terms of Agreement. It is assumed that expletive there is merged in Spec-υP in this paper. We ultimately assert that expletive there has interpretable person feature and an inherent case that must be valued by Agree. This renders number agreement between verbs and associate DP causing definite effects. This analysis has an advantage in explaining the unique grammatical properties of expletive there construction in relation to Feature Agreement.