In this paper, I discuss the following two semantic properties of interrogatives with NEG in Korean (and in English): First, they are interpreted either as (I) neutral negative interrogatives or as (II) non-neutral interrogatives where the negative meaning of NEG is considered to be lost. Second, type (II) non-neutral interrogatives can trigger either a question or a statement reading. By examining lexical/semantic properties of sentence-ending (SE) markers in Korean, which can be analyzed as MOOD (or as MOOD+COMP), I suggest that the loss of the negative meaning of NEG is triggered because some of the SE markers that are known as interrogative (INT) markers optionally bear the feature [Speaker's Denial] (=[Ds]), whose function is to deny the negative value of NEG in a way similar to how a NEG negates the negative value of another NEG in a sentence. By suggesting that SE markers that can have the feature [Ds] may be ambiguous between DEC and INT in a certain way, I attempt to explain the second semantic property. During the discussion, I suggest that some SE markers are many-way ambiguous and that there are at least three subclasses of interrogatives/declaratives: (neutral) negative interrogatives/declaratives (I), (non-neutral) interrogatives/declaratives with Speaker's Denial (II), and (non-neutral) interrogatives/declarative with Speaker's Assertion (III). Finally, I discuss empirical advantages of the present approach, and also examine some related issues discussed in the literature, which are properly explained under the present approach.
Abstract
1. Introduction
2. The Distributional Properties of nNEG and the Types of SE markers
3. A syntactic account under a lexical approach
4. Some empirical advantages
5. Some Further Issues
6. A Summary and a Discussion
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