Free-rider and Independent Feature Checking

In this paper, we will suggest that it is not required that when the operation move-F affects a FF, all FFs associated with F move to the target as free riders. Rather, we will assume that only the necessary formal feature of the moved element individually enters into a checking relation with the target that has matching features for a local convergence of derivation, and that the feature checking may hold between individual formal features that have matching features that can enter into checking relations. This suggestion is based on the inverse voice constructions in Bantu, there-constructions involving wh-movement and the conjunct associate, and inalienable possession constructions of Japanese.