사건 관련 해석의 영향권 확보방법

Ways of Scope Taking in Event-related Readings

In this paper I concentrate on two consequences of the pair quantification approach, which explain why certain contexts block the event-related readings. First, the pair-quantification approach predicts that we need a configuration in which the NP introducing the object variable and the VP introducing the event variable join the restriction of the quantifier. It is necessary to quantify over <event,object> pairs. Focus and relative clauses can make the event-related readings available for strong quantifiers. Second, I argue that the <event,object> pairs form join semi-lattices. Events are thought of as having a join semi-lattice structure and the <event,object> pairs inherit this structure. In section 3, I discuss Weak Island effects on event-related reading. The Weak Island effects on event-related reading follow in virtue of two auxiliary observations:(i) those scopal expressions that block event reading need to take narrow scope with respect to the subject; and (ii) the same scopal expressions require either meets or complementation to be performed.