학술저널
Drawing on Fiengo and May(1995)’s claim that the conditions on bound variable anaphora are not coextensive with those on sloppy identity, I propose an account for the question of why only the monomorphemic reflexive caki, but not the pronoun ku in Korean can take a quantified expression as its antecedent, whereas both can be read sloppily under ellipsis. We will also see how Fiengo and May’s Dependency Theory together with my pragmatic reasoning explains some intriguing phenomena involving phrases with mace ‘even’ and man ‘only’ operators.
Abstract
I. The Issue
II. Dependency Theory(Fiengo and May(1995))
III. Application of the Dependency Theory to Korean
IV. Summary
References
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