Derivational Checking Configuration in English To-Infinitive Construction

This paper explores the distributional properties of subject NPs in English to-infinitive constructions within the minimalist framework. Recently, Chomsky (1998, 1999) proposes an Agree-based analysis for NP Case checking. Briefly a head with uninterpretable full φ-set of [person, number, gender] feaures agrees with an NP with an interpretable full φ-set of features and an ancillary uninterpretable Case feature. Following Chomsky’s (1998, 1999) proposal that a functional category with an uninterpretable full φ-set of features can check the Case of NP when agreement occurs, I alternatively propose that the functional category from which an NP is Case checked has an uninterpretable full φ-set of features (I take the reverse track). Following Stowell (1982), Martin (1992, 1996), and Bošković (1996, 1997), to is divided into [+tensed] T and [-tensed] T. Then I propose that [+tensed] T has the EPP feature which induces overt NP movement. I also propose that V subcategorised by υ has the EPP feature. I also argue that [Head, Specifier of Head’s Complement] configuration is more adequate in feature checking. Then following Pesetsky’s (1989) Earliness Principle, Case checking is derived automatically in a unified way in the course of derivations. In addition, my proposal is adequate in explaining some syntactic phenomena such as VP-ellipsis and υP-ellipsis.