동사구 초점과 주어의 작용역

This paper addresses two puzzles regarding the scope interaction between subject and negation. The first puzzle that this paper addresses is why there is a contrast between the motun-type quantifiers and the taypwupwun-type quantifiers. It is usually known that the quantifiers like motun in the subject position may be negated by the long form negation. However, it is not the case that all quantifiers in the subject position may be inside the scope of negation. For example, the quantifiers like taypwupwun ‘most’ cannot be under the scope of negation, when they occur in the subject position. The second puzzle is that even the quantifiers like tapwupwun allow the ‘not>most’ reading, when vP is focused. This paper proposes that the two puzzles can be accounted for on the basis of the following claims: (i) the quantifiers like motun may be focused to exclude the ‘not all’ reading, (ii) the focused phrase shows reconstruction effects, and (iii) even the quantifiers like tapwupwun may be a part of the focused phrase, when focus is given to the whole vP, even though they cannot be inherently focused.