Ellipsis in Korean Comparatives

In this paper I discusses some ellipsis phenomena found in Korean comparatives, for example, comparative deletion, subcomparative and comparative VP-ellipsis. By exploring possible ways to handle them, I find two major results. First, null operator movement is involved in comparative clauses. This is based on some island effects from them. I also show that a non-movement approach to comparatives, for example, the pro analysis, does not hold. Second, the PF deletion analysis is preferred to the LF copying analysis. QR or covert object shift does not help deal with the ellipsis phenomena in question. I show that the PF deletion approach can successfully work with them by proposing overt raising of (the object containing) the comparative clause.