The goal of this paper is to show that the phenomenon of BQFT (ban on quantifier float in θ-positions, cf. Bošković 2004) can be deduced from the split DP structure, which states that a DP is a derived constituent but not an underlying one (Sportiche 2005 and Takahashi and Hulsey 2009). Combined this type of the structure with the locality condition of FQs, i.e., an FQ and its host DP must be adjacent, it follows that an FQ would not take place in θ-positions where its licensing DP is absent. An FQ requires a semantically contentful DP to be construed with it and therefore can only appear in those positions where such a DP is available. It is also shown that the proposed analysis has desirable consequences for several issues and phenomena including the stranding/adverbial properties of FQs, A- or A’-nature of movement and the LF-interpretability.
2. Revisit to Bošković (2004)
3. An Alternative Account: The Split DP Hypothesis
4. Closing Remarks