Remarks on the Structure of Resultative Small Clause Predicates in Korean

This paper aims to account for an asymmetry for movement of the resultative small clause (SC) predicate in Korean. The previous literature demonstrates that unlike the pound-type predicate, the make-type predicate is prohibited from fronting due to a violation of anti-locality and contradictions of linear ordering between spell-out domains. However, some challenges are posed to the previous analyses, in that the phase extension would permit the make-type SC-predicate inversion (den Dikken 2006), incorrectly predicting the predicate-fronting to be available. We argue that Relativized Minimality is violated when SC-predicate moves over the SC-subject in the make-type resultative clause. We also address the issue of why deletion of the SC-predicate is prohibited. Unlike Chung’s (2018) analysis that appeals to the impossibility of non-constituent deletion, we argue that such deletion is constrained by the morphological requirement of resultative morphemes in that the SC-predicate deletion leaves a resultative marker stranded with no place to be affixed.