This paper aims to account for an asymmetry for movement of the resultative small clause (SC) predicate in Korean. The previous literature demonstrates that unlike the pound-type predicate, the make-type predicate is prohibited from fronting due to a violation of anti-locality and contradictions of linear ordering between spell-out domains. However, some challenges are posed to the previous analyses, in that the phase extension would permit the make-type SC-predicate inversion (den Dikken 2006), incorrectly predicting the predicate-fronting to be available. We argue that Relativized Minimality is violated when SC-predicate moves over the SC-subject in the make-type resultative clause. We also address the issue of why deletion of the SC-predicate is prohibited. Unlike Chung’s (2018) analysis that appeals to the impossibility of non-constituent deletion, we argue that such deletion is constrained by the morphological requirement of resultative morphemes in that the SC-predicate deletion leaves a resultative marker stranded with no place to be affixed.
1. Introduction
2. Structure of Resultative Small Clauses
3. Relativized Minimality and Smuggling
4. Conclusion
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