3·1운동 전후 러시아 한인사회의 민족정체성 형성과 변화

The March First Movement and the Formation and Changes of the National Identity of Koreans in Russia

Koreans experienced big changes in their national identity as a result of the complex political situation during the period of the Russian Revolution from February 1917 through to the end of the Siberian Intervention in October, 1922. In particular, the occurrence of the March First Movement, had significant lasting effects on the national identity of Koreans within Russia. A result being that relative to the time of Tsarist or Soviet Russia, Koreans during this time were outspokenly vocal of their political opinions during the period of the Russian Revolution. In this regard, it is informative in dealing with the issue of the national identity to compare and consider the political announcements made by Koreans in Russia before and after the March First Movement. In this paper, the author will analyze the political announcements and positions expressed at the conferences and meetings of Koreans in Russia and relate it to the context of the political, economic and cultural realities faced by Korean Russians. Particular attention will be paid to the main actors who organized and controlled the conferences or meetings and what political positions were adopted by these leaders. These analyses will examine the diverse and occasionally conflicting national identities of Koreans in Russia which trace back to the long and diverse background of emigration from Korea. The Koreans who had leading roles in the early organization of Korean society after the Russian Revolution were old settlers (starozhil in Russian and wonhoin in Korean) who had close political affiliations with the (Russian) Socialist Revolutionary Party. They sought to improve their political, social and economic status and generally had less interest in anti-Japanese activities relative to other political émigrés. At the Conference of All Koreans in Russia (Jeollo Hanjok Daepyoja Daehoe) held in June, 1917, these leaders supported the policy of continued support of the war [the First World War] and collaboration with the Western Allies. They also organized the “Central Committee of Koreans in Russia (Goryeojok Jungang Chonghoe) which excluded the new settlers (novosyol in Russian yeohoin in Korean). After the October Revolution, they held reservations about supporting the Bolshevik regime and declared political neutrality. After the Czech revolts against the Bolsheviks in June 1918 and the Allies’ intervention in August 1918, they openly expressed their support for the anti-Bolshevik regimes in Siberia and the Russian Far East. The wonhoin Koreans initiated the March First Movement in the Russian Maritime Province where the anti-Bolsheviks were in power. They organized the Korean National Council (Daehan Gungmin Euihoe) and competed over the leadership of the Korean national anti-Japanese movement with the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, China. At this time, the yeohoin Koreans joined in and participated in the March First Movement in Russia. Until the fourth anniversary of the March First Movement in March, 1920, Koreans still had a strong sense of ethnic national identity. They concurrently held a new identity of the working class proletariat. In 1923, Korean leaders would often display both the Red (jeokki) and Korean national flags (taegeuggi) together in front of their houses. They believed that the national and social revolutions could be realized together and a united front of national and social revolutionary forces would be possible. As the role and responsibility of Soviet Koreans to their ethnic nationalism and socialism diverged and came to be stressed, however, the national identity of Koreans was destined to weaken. When Stalin adopted the “policy of the socialism in one country,” the coexistence of national and class identities of Koreans in Russia became less and less possible.