One basic restriction for multiple subject constructions in Korean is that it is preferable for the first, non-argument subject to be linked to a gap in the second, argument subject position. In this paper, I first show that the effect of this condition can be explained in terms of the Specified Subject Condition (Chomsky 1973) if we assume that multiple subject constructions involve A-movement. Positing A-movement, however, will face problems with various locality constraints in that the posited A-movement can violate the constraints on both A- and A’-movements, and I explore this issue in the latter part of the paper. An answer for this problem, I suggest, can be found if we acknowledge that non-clause-bounded A-movement is syntactically possible in Korean and that the Tensed S Condition and the Specified Subject Condition have a processing nature, similar to Island Constraints.
1. Introduction
2. Restrictions for MSCs
3. Two Different Approaches to the Filler-Gap Dependencies and the Restrictions
4. Reexamining the Subject Preference Condition
5. Nature of Movement in MSCs and the Subject Preference Condition as an SSC Effect
6. Explaining Locality Constraint Violations in MSCs
7. Extending the Processing Approach to the Locality of A-movement
8. Conclusion
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