Mapping Hypothesis and the Korean DP

In a Korean DP, a numeral quantifier (NL) can precede or follow a noun phrase (NP) it modifies, and when the NL precedes the NP, the DP tends to have a specific reading, while the [NP+ NL] order yields a non-specific reading (Chae, 1983; Kim, 1984; Ahn, 1990; Woo, 1998). This paper explores an explanation for the specificity effect of the Korean DPs utilizing Diesing s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis, which proposes that the ambiguity of an indefinite subject between a cardinal and presuppositional reading results from its position within a sentence. I propose that the mapping algorithm applies at the DP level as well. Within the Korean DP, the NP and NL are in a predication relation, forming a small clause. From this base order the [NL+NP] order is derived by the movement of NL to the spec of DP, a movement similar to predicate raising in the copular construction proposed by Moro (1997) and Heycock (1994). By analogy to the mapping process in IP, materials in the small clause are mapped into the nuclear scope and materials above the small clause are mapped into the restrictive clause, resulting in the specificity effect in the Korean DP.