The morphological indicator (i.e., kac have , here) is not necessarily the best clue expressing possession in the Korean existential construction, where the dative subject (i.e., here, postpositional subject) is base-generated in [Spec, PP] as the complement of v (cf. Harley 2002); hence, it makes a lot of sense that a null P(ostposion)HAVE is available in the cwu(ta) ‘give construction. There are two kinds of decomposition of the ditransitive verb cwu: one is ‘null P(ostposion)HAVE + CAUSE’, the other is ‘lexical verb + causative morpheme’ (Jung and Miyagawa 2004, Lee 2007c). Theme + PHAVE and Theme + lexical verb form idioms at the level of X (i.e., here, P or V ) in the cwu predicate and its morphological causative counterpart (cf. Marantz 1997, Richards 2001, Karimi 2003). They are Janusian idioms in the sense that while Theme + PHAVE may form idioms at the level of P in the cwu predicate, Theme + lexical verb may at the level of V in its morphological causative counterpart. This provides clear evidence that the ditransitive verb cwu interchangeable with the morphological causative verbs such as mek-i get-CAUSE may not be at the level of X .
1. Introduction
2. Evidence for PHAVE
3. Idioms with PHAVE in the Cwu-Construction
4. Idioms with VHAVE in the Morphological Causative Construction
5. Theme + PHAVE Idioms vs. Theme + VHAVE Idioms
6. Summary and Conclusion