주어제약과 상승

This paper is concerned with the relation between the Subject Constraint and Raising. No element can be extracted out of a subject, which is dubbed as the Subject Constraint, but the constraint is nullified by Raising. In an attempt to explain this phenomenon, this paper makes two major claims: first, movement out of a lower copy is permitted, and second, the Case assignee as well as the Case assignor turns into an island, once Case checking takes place. This paper shows that the two claims enable us to explain why raising constructions and passive constructions are not subject to the Subject Constraint.