고대영어 관계절의 전치사 선도와 좌초

Pied Piping and Preposition Stranding in Old English Relative Clause

The purpose of this paper is to examine several types of relative clauses in Old English and explain why some relatives allow for preposition stranding and others do not. While se and se+þe relatives require pied piping, þe, þæt, ø, þær, and infinitival relatives exhibit preposition stranding. After a critical review of Allen (1977, 1980), Kemenade (1987), Lee (2001), and Castillo (2005), this article argues that the aforementioned difference is due to the following syntactic constraints in Old English. First, a preposition should contiguously precede its object because it has strong functional bondedness with its object, and the bondedness between a preposition and its object is stronger than that of a verb and its object. Second, in order for a preposition to contiguously precede its object, the object should be a category with morphological case marking, Thus, þe, þæt, ø, þær, and to-infinitive should not contiguously follow a preposition because they do not have case marking. This account does not just explain the relationship between a preposition and a relative marker but it also leaves open the possibility of the further account of the relationship between a preposition and an ordinary noun phrase, and of the preposition stranding in wh-interrogative, passivization, and topicalization.