This paper argues for an operation in Korean, called N -Ellipsis, also known as NP-Ellipsis (henceforth, NPE) under the DP structure, found in possessive constructions. Since An (2012) argues for a different analysis, namely, a pro analysis, instead of the NPE analysis, this paper mostly takes a careful examination of his arguments and contends that the pro analysis is not viable in favor of the NPE analysis. I show that An s claim that the NPE construction is derived from the multiple Case-marking construction is in fact way too weak. I further argue that the contrasts arising from the construction in question are closely related to the possibility of possessor raising and thereby ill-formed cases of NPE can be attributed to the widely assumed convention that bar-level category is blind to syntactic operations.
3. 요약 및 결론