Although raising to subject has been often assumed to exist in Korean syntax, clear evidence for it is difficult to find. The main goal of this paper is to provide new evidence for it. I show that sentences involving the presumed raising in Korean are subject to various restrictions when it leads to changes in word order and/or Case but not when it does not. I interpret this as evidence for optional raising since the existence of these restrictions is not satisfactorily explained by the alternative accounts not employing raising and that similar restrictions also hold for raising to object in Korean. One question for the proposed raising analysis is why raising is subject to various restrictions in Korean, and I seek an answer by relating it to another important question for the raising analysis, i.e., how raising can be non-clause-bounded in Korean.
1. Introduction
2. Possibility of No Raising
3. Searching for Evidence for Raising
4. Restrictions for Raising to Subject in Korean as Further Evidence
5. Further Questions for Raising Analysis
6. Conclusion
References