Anaphoric definite and syntax of demonstrative

In languages with an article such as in English, anaphoric definitenessis expressed by an article. However, in an article-less language like Korean,demonstratives indicate anaphoric definiteness. Although there are substantial numberof studies on the semantics or pragmatics of anaphoric demonstratives, a syntacticanalysis of demonstrative as anaphoric definite is scarce. This paper addresses the syntaxof demonstrative ku in Korean as anaphoric definite by situating it in a cross-linguisticcontext. It is shown that ku is obligatory to indicate anaphoric definite and it doesnot indicate unique definite, similar to a strong article in German. This paper proposesthat the syntactic role of demonstrative ku is to make a DP referentially visible byoccupying the spec-DP position. Under this view, ku is similar to an article in Italianor nP in Icelandic that has to be present for a referential DP, either on D or in Spec-DPrespectively. An interesting consequence is that the proposed syntax of ku can beimplemented to account for a special interaction between number and anaphoricdefinite, which has been observed in a wide range of languages. In Korean, for example,plural -tul is obligatory in an anaphoric context in contrast to an indefinite context. This paper proposes that in an anaphoric context licensed by ku, plural -tul is arealization of grammatical number such as Num head with binary features [±plural]that value uninterpretable number feature on D [uNum].