论“给VP” - 以去致使化为理论基础

Investigation of “Gei(给) VP” - Based on decausativization

This paper argues that “Gei(给) VP” has “External Force(agent) that only exists semantically, not syntactically”, but the function of “Gei” is not adding “external force” to the VP, but rather deleting the “agent(causer)” from the VP, which is a causative transitive construction - thus making this VP become an intransitive construction that expresses “affected event”. Based on the perspectives of typology, I will investigate the “decausativization” phenomenon in the world languages using “-ar(u)” and “-sja” (respectively Japanese and Russian decausativizative markers), which will reveal the features of “Gei” as a decausative marker. It can be predicted that The Causative VP, which has an explicit agent,onlycan achieve intransitivization by adding “Gei” and deleting the agent. The Typical Ergative VP not only can be anticausativized and express a “spontaneous” event, but also can be decausativized by adding “Gei” to delete the agent and express an “affected” event. The Pure Unaccusative VP and Unergative VP, since they are not causative constructions, do not meet the requirements of the anticausativizationand decausativization,therefore it is clear that the decausative marker “Gei” cannot be added.

“给VP”具有“只可会意（语义上有）不可言传（句法上无）的外力”，然而，“给”并不是引入这些外力的，而是从致使结构中删除施事，只留下其影响力，使得整个事件变成受影响性事件的。本文从类型学的角度去探讨去致使化现象，通过考察日语和俄语的去致使化标记“-ar(u)、-sja”的现象来支持“给”去致使化标记的观点。从中可以预测，具有明确施事义的致使动词通过加“给”来删除施事，实现不及物化；典型作格动词既可以参与反致使化表示受事自发自变的事件，也可以加“给”来删除施事，表示独立施事发出影响的受影响性事件；纯非宾格动词和非作格动词由于不满足对致使动词的要求，而不能谈论去致使化。