This paper presents a unified analysis of various numeral classifier constructions in Korean. Capitalizing on the idea that a small clause structure is embedded within a DP, four patterns of numeral classifier constructions will be shown to receive a straightforward account. Pattern I, where a noun host precedes its numeral classifier, represents a basic underlying structure. Pattern II, where a genitive-marked numeral classifier precedes the noun associate, is analyzed as being derived from Pattern I by inverting the numeral classifier prior to its host noun (i.e., predicate inversion). When it comes to Pattern III and Pattern IV, where a noun associate and its numeral classifier surface separated from each other but the former does not have the Casemarking on a numeral classifier while the latter does. I propose that the two nominal phrases are linked to each other by a trace and by a pro, respectively. The proposed account, coupled with the minimal set of nominal functional projections, dispenses with stipulations on movement, and argues for the DP-hypothesis in Korean.
This paper presents a unified analysis of various numeral classifier constructions in Korean. Capitalizing on the idea that a small clause structure is embedded within a DP, four patterns of numeral classifier constructions will be shown to receive a straightforward account. Pattern I, where a noun host precedes its numeral classifier, represents a basic underlying structure. Pattern II, where a genitive-marked numeral classifier precedes the noun associate, is analyzed as being derived from Pattern I by inverting the numeral classifier prior to its host noun (i.e., predicate inversion). When it comes to Pattern III and Pattern IV, where a noun associate and its numeral classifier surface separated from each other but the former does not have the Casemarking on a numeral classifier while the latter does. I propose that the two nominal phrases are linked to each other by a trace and by a pro, respectively. The proposed account, coupled with the minimal set of nominal functional projections, dispenses with stipulations on movement, and argues for the DP-hypothesis in Korean.
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