종결어미의 담화 기능과 문법화

Discourse functions and grammaticalization of sentence-final suffixes in Korean

This study explores an interplay between discourse-pragmatic functions and grammaticalization of utterance-final particles by examining the emergence of the utterance-final particle -canh-a(yo) ‘you know’ from a negative interrogative in Korean. The utterance-final -canh-a(yo) is analyzed into the sequence of the committal suffix -ci and a negation verb anh- ‘not’ followed by an informal ending -a(yo). Being derived from the negation marker in interrogatives, utterances with -canh-a(yo) are frequently used to signal the speaker’s assumption of hearers’ agreement toward his/her statement. Previous studies show that the sentence ending -canh-a(yo) ‘you know’ expresses speakers’ epistemic, affective, and/or moral stance toward a statement (Kim & Suh 2004; Ju & Sohn 2013). While previous studies have demonstrated that a speaker invites hearers’ alignment through the utterance-final marker -canh-a(yo), very few studies have examined how hearers display their stance with respect to prior speaker’s -canh-a(yo) utterances. This study investigates the hearers’ responses to and with -canh-a(yo) utterances. Using spoken corpora drawn from telephone conversations (100 hours) and video-recorded natural conversations (10 hours), it examines how hearers use the form to display their stance. The findings indicate that -canh-a(yo) is used both in aligning and disaligning responses—with the latter occurring at a higher frequency. A major function of the form in both types of responses is to provide accounts for participants’ explicit or implicit claim. That is, by pointing to what is presumed to be common ground between interlocutors through -canh-a(yo) utterances, hearers modulate any stance differential displayed by a prior speaker. The research results have a theoretical implication on grammaticalization in that the sequential position of a form plays a key role in the development of the final marker -canh-a(yo) from a negative interrogative. Specifically, when the original form -ci anh-a(yo) functions as interrogative, it mainly occurs in the first position of an adjacency pair, namely, a speaker’s question followed by a recipient’s answer or alternative response, or a speaker’s assertion followed by a recipient’s agreement or disagreement (Heritage 1984; Sacks, 1995; Schegloff 2007). However, the reduced form (-canh-a(yo)) can appear in the first as well as the second position (e.g., a recipient s response turn). The sequential position is tightly connected with its interactional function, such as alignment and disalignment. In sum, the emergence of the utterance-final marker illustrates that sequential contexts play a crucial role in grammaticalization.